According to available figures, the Fulani represent 40 % of Guinea's population, the Malinké 30 %, the Soussou 20 % and other ethnic groups 10 %. The Fulani are in the majority in Middle Guinea, the Malinké in Upper Guinea and the Soussou in Maritime Guinea. Forested Guinea is home to various ethnic groups, such as the Kpelle and the Kisi.
During its various missions to Conakry, Cedoca observed a climate of good understanding between the different ethnic groups. The consulted sources also emphasise the harmony that reigns between communities, both within families and in neighbourhoods. Inter-ethnic marriages are an illustration of this. Sociologist Alpha Amadou Bano Barry explains that Guinea's ethnic groups have a common history and share the same values. The differences are primarily linguistic and organisational.
Although the junta led by Mamadi Doumbouya initially displayed a desire for unity after the coup d'état on 5 September 2021, ethnic tensions, which had already been exploited under Alpha Condé, quickly resurfaced. Since the Comité national du rassemblement et du développement (CNRD) came to power, the Malinké have occupied a dominant position. Guinean politics continue to be marked by ethnic divisions, particularly between the Malinké and the Fulani, the latter having never held the presidency.
The Route Le Prince, mainly inhabited by Fulani, is a central protest site in Conakry. Following the coup, a period of apparent freedom was followed by a resurgence of violence, characterised by a heavy police presence and the use of firearms. Amnesty International (AI) reports that the majority of protest victims since 2019 come from this area and often have Fulani names. That said, over the past two decades, individuals of all ethnic and regional origins have been victims of the illegal use of force throughout the country. It would therefore be inaccurate, according to AI, to claim that the Fulani are specifically targeted because of their ethnicity.
The July 2016 Law on Cybersecurity and Personal Data Protection punishes the dissemination of racist or xenophobic content via electronic means. Several bloggers and activists have been prosecuted for making discriminatory statements online. This climate is reflected on social media in Guinea by a rise in ethnic rhetoric, often used to pit groups against each other, as highlighted by a Guinean anthropologist.
Policy
The policy implemented by the Commissioner General is based on a thorough analysis of accurate and up-to-date information on the general situation in the country of origin. This information is collated in a professional manner from various, objective sources, including the EUAA, the UNHCR, relevant international human rights organisations, non-governmental organisations, professional literature and coverage in the media. When determining policy, the Commissioner General does not only examine the COI Focuses written by Cedoca and published on this website, as these deal with just one aspect of the general situation in the country of origin. The fact that a COI Focus could be out-of-date does not mean that the policy that is being implemented by the Commissioner General is no longer up-to-date.
When assessing an application for asylum, the Commissioner General not only considers the actual situation in the country of origin at the moment of decision-making, he also takes into account the individual situation and personal circumstances of the applicant for international protection. Every asylum application is examined individually. An applicant must comprehensively demonstrate that he has a well-founded fear of persecution or that there is a clear personal risk of serious harm. He cannot, therefore, simply refer back to the general conditions in his country, but must also present concrete, credible and personal facts.
There is no policy paper for this country available on the website.