In September 2014, the Houthis seized power in Sanaa and ousted in February 2015 then-President Hadi, who fled first to Aden and then to Saudi Arabia. The Houthis then expanded the territory under their control.
On 25 March 2015, a military coalition led by Saudi Arabia launched a campaign of air strikes in Yemen to eliminate the Houthis. Together with the United Arab Emirates (UAE), which mainly provided ground troops, it succeeded in driving the Houthis out of southern Yemen. In the northwest, however, the Houthis held their ground and built their own state.
Since 2015, the UAE has established and supported various armed groups that it uses to secure its interests. The UAE also maintains a limited military presence in Yemen.
In Aden, the Southern Transitional Council (STC) emerged in 2017 as the new standard-bearer of the Southern Movement. The STC seized power in Aden in August 2019, creating an open conflict with the Yemeni government. After a failed peace agreement, the STC declared self-rule in April 2020, after which armed confrontations escalated again. In August 2022, the STC captured the province of Shabwah from loyalist government forces.
With the support of the UAE, Tareq Saleh has controlled his own zone on the west coast of Yemen since 2018. Meanwhile, in the provinces of Hadramawt and Mahra, local tribal groups have succeeded in establishing their own autonomy, independent of both the Yemeni government and the STC.
Several rounds of failed peace talks were held, accompanied by partial ceasefires. A final peace agreement came into force on 2 April 2022, but it was not renewed in October of that year. Nevertheless, a fragile ceasefire has been maintained since then and is generally respected by all parties. Although fighting continues, it is less frequent and generally results in fewer casualties. Saudi Arabia has not carried out any airstrikes in Yemen since April 2022.
In April 2022, Hadi stepped down in favour of the Presidential Leadership Council (PLC), which is led by al-Alimi. However, the PLC quickly became embroiled in internal disputes and was weakened. There is a rift within the PLC between al-Alimi and the STC, the latter of which is clearly seeking its own administration. Militarily and politically, al-Alimi is dependent on Saudi Arabia, while the STC still has the support of the UAE. Meanwhile, the Houthis have managed to maintain control of their own territory in western Yemen. In Hadramawt, calls for self-government are also growing.
The fighting between the various warring parties and the bombing by the Saudi-led coalition have caused severe damage to Yemen's infrastructure and economy. The humanitarian situation is extremely dire, with numerous sources describing it as the worst humanitarian crisis in the world. There are 4.5 million internally displaced persons (IDPs) in Yemen, although the number of new IDPs has been declining since the April 2022 peace agreement. The fighting has already claimed a large number of civilian casualties. In 2020-2021, their number remained roughly the same, and in 2022 there was a slight decline following the peace agreement. This decline continued in 2023 and 2024.
According to sources, the various warring parties have committed violations of international humanitarian law during the conflict. Reports suggest that the Houthis, the Yemeni government and the STC are responsible for arbitrary detentions and disappearances. There have been reports of civilian objects being fired upon, and the Houthis frequently use landmines.
Policy
The policy implemented by the Commissioner General is based on a thorough analysis of accurate and up-to-date information on the general situation in the country of origin. This information is collated in a professional manner from various, objective sources, including the EUAA, the UNHCR, relevant international human rights organisations, non-governmental organisations, professional literature and coverage in the media. When determining policy, the Commissioner General does not only examine the COI Focuses written by Cedoca and published on this website, as these deal with just one aspect of the general situation in the country of origin. The fact that a COI Focus could be out-of-date does not mean that the policy that is being implemented by the Commissioner General is no longer up-to-date.
When assessing an application for asylum, the Commissioner General not only considers the actual situation in the country of origin at the moment of decision-making, he also takes into account the individual situation and personal circumstances of the applicant for international protection. Every asylum application is examined individually. An applicant must comprehensively demonstrate that he has a well-founded fear of persecution or that there is a clear personal risk of serious harm. He cannot, therefore, simply refer back to the general conditions in his country, but must also present concrete, credible and personal facts.
There is no policy paper for this country available on the website.