Female circumcision is a socio-cultural norm embedded in Somalia’s patriarchal society. The practice is deeply intertwined with cultural values surrounding female virginity, virtue and the female body. Somali fathers are traditionally responsible for the circumcision of their sons, not their daughters, making them less involved in this practice. Several sources mention that the decision lies with the mother, with the grandmother also having considerable influence. In Somali society, marriage determines an individual's status and wealth. There is a widespread belief in Somali culture that circumcision is a prerequisite for marriage and starting a family. Not being circumcised brings shame and stigma and, according to the majority of sources consulted, makes it more difficult for a girl to marry. This loss of reputation also affects the status of the whole family. For this reason, there may be considerable pressure from the immediate family to undergo circumcision, making it difficult to refuse/avoid. Some mothers manage to protect their daughters from the practice. The ability to do so depends on the mother's personality, her ability to persevere with the decision and to resist psychological pressure from both family and society. In addition, her level of education, knowledge of FGM, financial and social status and, to a lesser extent, cultural and geographical affiliation may also play a role.
FGM is practiced almost everywhere in Somalia, with little difference between different socio-economic groups, geographical locations and levels of education. Girls are circumcised between the ages of 5 and 10. Almost all women (99 %) between the ages of 15 and 49 are circumcised. This prevalence rate is largely unchanged based on available data from 2006, 2011 and 2020. The prevalence of FGM among Somalis in neighbouring countries is almost as high as in Somalia itself. There is no national legislation criminalising the practice of FGM and its perpetrators.
Somalis distinguish between two forms of circumcision: the pharaonic form (gudniika fircooniga) and the sunna form (gudniika sunna). Sunna circumcision is usually described as the milder form. However, various sources consulted show that, in practice, sunna circumcision can be any form of circumcision, ranging from WHO type 1 to WHO type 4. One consequence of this lack of clarity is that, in practice, girls may be infibulated. For Somalis, the term sunna has a religious connotation and this form of circumcision is considered religiously permissible. The younger generation is said to have a preference for this type of circumcision.
The pharaonic variant corresponds to WHO type III, an infibulation. Most women are infibulated (64 %). This form of circumcision, unlike sunna, is associated with serious complications and health problems. The English term for female circumcision, FGM/C, is usually translated as guniinka fircooniga in Somalia, with the result that only this form of circumcision is considered FGM. This can lead Somalis to claim that they have not cut their daughters, when the girls have undergone sunna cutting. Infibulated women have to be opened to allow sex and childbirth. Sometimes this is done for medical reasons. Re-circumcision or re-infibulation may be performed after divorce or childbirth. There is no data to suggest that this happens systematically. After both childbirth and divorce, the choice of re-infibulation depends on the woman's context. This choice may be influenced by social pressure from the husband, family or friends, or sometimes from the midwife or circumciser. In cases of extramarital affairs and rape, an infibulated woman can also be re-infibulated on request.
Several sources report that the prevalence of FGM is not decreasing, but that there is a noticeable decrease in infibulation. There is a shift towards less invasive sunna circumcision. Some sources also mention an increase in the medicalisation of the practice.
Policy
Since the fall of President Siad Barre in 1991, the overall security situation in Somalia has been largely determined by a long-running armed conflict, as a result of which many Somalis are internally displaced or have sought refuge abroad. At the heart of this conflict are confrontations between Al-Shabaab, an armed group which mostly controls rural areas in the center and south of the country, and national and international security forces.
The extremely complex situation is not such that every Somali should, by definition, be granted international protection status simply because of their origin. For several profiles, fear of persecution is serious and well-founded. They can count on refugee status.
Available country information shows that the level of violence, the scale of indiscriminate violence, and the impact of the conflict in Somalia vary from region to region. While the actual situation in a region can be very complex, the information shows that no Somali region is characterized by an exceptional situation in which the level of indiscriminate violence is so high that there are serious reasons to believe that a citizen, merely by his presence, runs an actual risk of being exposed to a serious threat to his life or person as stipulated by Article 48/4, § 2, c) of the Aliens Law.